The Great Democratic Slowdown: How the World Began Losing Its Voice

Prof Ujjwal K Chowdhury unravels the context of the current spate of decline of democracy worldwide in the light of the recent V-DEM Institute’s damning report, and suggests ways and means to mitigate this ahead.

A Quarter Century That Changed the World

For much of the late 20th century, democracy looked like the future. After Portugal’s Carnation Revolution in 1974, democracy spread across Southern Europe, Latin America, Eastern Europe, parts of Africa and Asia. Military dictatorships fell. One-party regimes loosened. Courts, parliaments, civil society, media and elections expanded their reach. For a while, it seemed that history was moving in one direction: towards freedom.

That confidence now looks premature.

According to the attached V-Dem Democracy Report 2026, democracy for the average global citizen has fallen back to 1978 levels. In other words, almost five decades of democratic gains have been nearly erased.

The report records 92 autocracies and 87 democracies at the end of 2025, with 74% of the world’s population — about 6 billion people — living in autocracies, and only 7% living in liberal democracies.

Data to highlight:

2005: 50% of the world lived in democracies.
2025: Only 26% does.
2005: 17% lived in liberal democracies.
2025: Only 7% does.
2005: 9% lived in autocratizing countries.
2025: 41% does.

This is not simply a matter of bad governments somewhere far away. The decline now includes major democracies, large economies and influential societies. It touches the United States, India, Hungary, Serbia, Turkey, Mexico, Argentina, Indonesia, the Philippines, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Israel, Tunisia, Russia, Belarus and many others. The global crisis of democracy is no longer peripheral. It has entered the centre.

What Is Declining: Not Just Elections, But the Democratic Ecosystem

Democracy is often misunderstood as only the right to vote. But a real democracy is much more. It requires free and fair elections, independent courts, a legislature that can question the executive, a press that can investigate without fear, citizens who can protest, minorities who are protected, and institutions that do not become private property of the ruling party.

The V-Dem report uses the Liberal Democracy Index, which combines electoral democracy with liberal checks and balances: rule of law, civil liberties, independent judiciary, and legislative control over executive power.

That is precisely where the world is weakening. Many countries still hold elections, but elections are increasingly held in an unequal playing field. Opposition parties face intimidation, media houses face pressure, NGOs are restricted, courts are packed or weakened, universities are disciplined, and public institutions become instruments of political control.

This is why modern authoritarianism often looks normal from the outside. There may be no tanks on the streets. There may be no formal suspension of elections. The constitution may still exist. Parliament may still meet. TV debates may still happen. But slowly, the spirit of democracy is drained out while its shell remains.

Why Democracy Is Falling: The New Method Is Slow Poison

The old image of authoritarian takeover was dramatic: a coup, a general on television, emergency rule, censorship overnight. That still happens, especially in parts of Africa and Asia. But the dominant method today is quieter.

Political scientists call it executive aggrandizement: elected leaders use their democratic mandate to concentrate power in their own hands. They change laws, weaken courts, intimidate critics, capture regulators, control public broadcasters, reward friendly businesses, and use state agencies against opponents. Each step may look legal. Together, they hollow out democracy.

Hungary under Viktor Orbán is a classic example. Turkey under Erdoğan, Serbia under Vučić, and several other countries show similar patterns. The attached analysis notes that such countries did not necessarily lose elections overnight; they lost the conditions that make elections meaningful.

The first target is usually freedom of expression. The V-Dem report says media censorship is the most common tactic among autocratizing governments, used in 32 of 44 autocratizing countries, or 73%. Civil society repression has also surged, affecting 30 countries, or 68%.

Observation to highlight:

The first battlefield of democracy is usually not Parliament.
It is the newsroom, the university, the courtroom, the street protest, and the citizen’s right to speak.

Who Is Driving the Decline: Strongmen, Parties, Platforms and Fear

The decline of democracy is not driven by one ideology alone. It can come from the right, the left, religious nationalism, military rule, majoritarian populism, revolutionary rhetoric, security politics, or technocratic centralization.

The common pattern is not ideology; it is the logic of power. Leaders claim that only they represent the “real people”. Critics are called anti-national, corrupt, foreign agents, elitist, urban, immoral, or enemies of development. Institutions are described as obstacles. Courts are accused of overreach. Journalists are called biased. Universities are labelled subversive. NGOs are accused of serving foreign interests.

Digital media has made this easier. Social media was once celebrated as a liberation tool. It helped protests, citizen journalism and public mobilization. But it also produced echo chambers, troll armies, fake news, surveillance, targeted propaganda, deep polarisation and emotional politics. Anger travels faster than nuance. Fear travels faster than facts.

Economic disappointment has added fuel. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, many citizens have lost faith in liberal institutions. Inequality, unemployment, migration anxiety, cultural insecurity, corruption and the rising cost of living have made people vulnerable to leaders promising order, pride and quick solutions.

Where It Is Happening: No Region Is Safe

The decline is global.

In Western Europe and North America, the report says democratic levels for the average citizen are at their lowest in over 50 years, largely because of recent developments in the United States. The V-Dem report also says the United States lost its long-term status as a liberal democracy for the first time in over five decades, with legislative constraints on the executive sharply weakening in 2025.

In Europe, the report identifies autocratization affecting several EU member states, including Hungary, Greece, Italy, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia and Romania, along with the UK and USA as key allied democracies under stress.

In East Asia and the Pacific, China remains a closed autocracy, Myanmar has moved through military repression, and countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines have shown democratic weakening. The report notes that 68% of the population in that region lives under closed autocracy.

In Sub-Saharan Africa, there are hopeful cases like Mauritius, Botswana and Zambia, but also serious military reversals in the Sahel — including Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Niger.

In Latin America, Brazil, Bolivia and Guatemala show democratic recovery, while Argentina, El Salvador, Mexico, Nicaragua and Peru show pressures of different kinds.

In South and Central Asia, the report is especially severe. It says the average citizen’s democratic experience has fallen back to 1976 levels, with India playing a major role because of its huge population.

India: The World’s Largest Democracy Under Global Scrutiny

India matters uniquely because it is not just another country. It is the world’s most populous nation, a civilizational society, a constitutional republic, a major economy, and for decades a symbol that democracy could function in a poor, diverse, multilingual, multi-religious society.

The Indian Constitution created a bold democratic experiment: universal adult franchise, fundamental rights, parliamentary government, federalism, independent judiciary, Election Commission, free press, and protections for minorities and disadvantaged groups. India’s democracy survived Partition, wars, Emergency, insurgencies, coalition instability and economic crises.

Yet the attached V-Dem report classifies India as an electoral autocracy since 2017 and describes India’s autocratization as a “slow but systematic dismantling of democratic institutions,” pointing to deterioration in media freedom, harassment of critical journalists, attacks on civil society and pressure on the opposition.

This is a strong assessment, and in India it will be contested. Supporters of the government will point to regular elections, high voter participation, welfare delivery, infrastructure expansion, digital governance, national security, and a strong popular mandate. Critics will point to majoritarian politics, shrinking media independence, pressure on NGOs, use of investigative agencies, weakening parliamentary debate, online intimidation, and concerns around minority rights.

Both sides prove one thing: Indian democracy is alive as a debate, but under stress as an institution.

India’s future democratic health will depend on whether its constitutional institutions remain stronger than partisan power; whether media can question all governments; whether courts can protect civil liberties; whether universities can think freely; whether minorities feel secure; whether Parliament becomes a serious deliberative body again; and whether federalism remains cooperative rather than coercive.

Observation to highlight:

India’s democratic question is not whether elections happen. They do.
The deeper question is whether the conditions around elections remain free, fair, plural and fearless.

When Did the Decline Begin: The 2000s Were the Turning Point

The democratic high point came around the late 1990s and early 2000s. The Cold War was over. Eastern Europe had opened. South Africa had defeated apartheid. Latin American dictatorships had receded. The internet seemed democratic. Globalization seemed to favour openness.

But after 2000, the curve began to bend. The 9/11 attacks created a new security state. The 2008 financial crisis weakened trust in elites. China’s rise showed that economic growth was possible without liberal democracy. Social media transformed public debate into permanent outrage. Populist leaders learned to convert insecurity into political capital.

By 2025, V-Dem’s data shows that the world had returned to 1995 levels by country averages, 1978 levels by population-weighted measures, 1989 levels by territory-weighted measures, and the lowest level in over 50 years by GDP-weighted measures.

In simple language: democracy has declined not only in the number of countries, but also in the number of people, the amount of territory, and the share of global economic power living under democratic conditions.

How Democracy Dies Today: One Institution at a Time

Modern democratic decline often follows a recognizable script.

First, the leader attacks the media. Then civil society is regulated, taxed, investigated or delegitimized. Next, courts are pressured or packed. Election bodies lose autonomy. Opposition leaders face cases, raids or disqualification. Protest becomes risky. Universities become cautious. Public broadcasters become government broadcasters. Big business learns to stay close to power. Citizens begin to self-censor.

The most dangerous part is that each step may be defended as reform, nationalism, efficiency, anti-corruption, security or development. By the time citizens realise the pattern, institutions may already be too weak to resist.

The Good News: Democratic Recovery Is Still Possible

The story is not only dark. The V-Dem report identifies 10 U-turn democratizers in 2025 — countries that moved into autocratization and then began reversing it. These include Poland, Brazil, Bolivia, Thailand, Benin, Zambia, Botswana, Guatemala, Lesotho and Mauritius.

Poland shows that opposition unity and electoral victory can reopen democratic repair. Brazil shows that institutions can survive a populist assault if courts, election bodies, media and civil society resist. Mauritius and Botswana show that smaller democracies can still renew themselves. Guatemala shows that entrenched elites can be challenged through elections and public mobilisation.

The lesson is clear: democratic decline is not destiny. But recovery requires early resistance, institutional courage, united opposition, independent media, active citizens and credible elections.

What Next: Three Possible Futures

The first possibility is continued democratic erosion. More countries may retain elections but lose fairness, pluralism and institutional independence. This would create a world of “managed democracies” where citizens vote but cannot truly change power.

The second possibility is authoritarian consolidation. If courts, media, civil society and opposition are fully captured, recovery becomes much harder. Russia, Belarus and Nicaragua show how deep autocracy can become when institutions collapse completely.

The third possibility is democratic renewal. This requires citizens to understand that democracy is not only a five-year voting ritual. It is a daily culture of questioning power, respecting difference, defending rights and protecting institutions.

How to Save Democracy: A Practical Agenda

Democracy needs repair at many levels.

First, protect media freedom. Independent journalism must be treated as democratic infrastructure, not merely a business. Public broadcasters must be insulated from ruling-party control. Local journalism needs financial and legal support.

Second, defend institutional independence. Courts, election commissions, anti-corruption bodies, universities, data agencies and police systems must be protected from partisan capture.

Third, revive Parliament and legislatures. Laws should not be rushed without debate. Committees must function seriously. Opposition must be allowed to oppose.

Fourth, strengthen civic education. Young citizens must learn constitutional values, media literacy, digital ethics, rights, duties, and the difference between criticism of government and hatred of nation.

Fifth, regulate digital manipulation without crushing free speech. Democracies must fight disinformation, bots, deepfakes and algorithmic hate while protecting legitimate dissent.

Sixth, build broad democratic alliances. Opposition parties, civil society, artists, students, lawyers, teachers, workers, farmers, entrepreneurs and media must find common ground around constitutional democracy.

Seventh, make democracy deliver. Hungry, jobless, excluded citizens will not defend abstract freedoms forever. Democracy must produce dignity: livelihoods, education, healthcare, justice, safety and opportunity.

The Final Warning: Democracy Is Not Self-Executing

The last quarter century has taught the world a hard lesson: democracy does not automatically survive because it once existed. It survives when citizens defend it, institutions protect it, leaders respect limits, and society refuses to treat dissent as treason.

The global decline of democracy is not a storm from nowhere. It is the result of choices — by leaders who concentrated power, institutions that surrendered too easily, citizens who looked away, media systems that collapsed, and societies that confused majoritarian victory with constitutional democracy.

But the future is still open.

The world has lost democratic ground before and recovered. The next chapter will depend on whether citizens — in India, America, Europe, Africa, Latin America and Asia — can rediscover a simple truth: democracy is not only about who rules. It is about how power is limited, how truth is protected, how minorities are treated, how citizens speak, and how peacefully governments can be changed.

Democracy’s decline is global. Its recovery must be global too.